Impact Of Media On Global Social Movements Politics Essay

Impact Of Media On Global Social Movements Politics Essay In this paper my aim would be to bring forth various views and theories of social movements and explore the evolution of global social movements in the recent past. In the later part of my paper I would be discussing the role of mass media in global social movements and would also include the concept of new media and contemporary social networks in the cyber space and their impact on global social movements. But first I would like to start with a few definitions and views on global social movements by eminent scholars and intellectuals. SOCIAL MOVEMENTS The term social movements was introduced in 1850 by the German Sociologist  Lorenz von Stein  in his book History of the French Social Movement from 1789 to the Present. Since then, the term has taken different meanings and interpretations. Charles Tilly  defines social movements as, a series of contentious performances, displays and campaigns by which ordinary people made collective claims on others  [1]  .  For Tilly, social movements are a major vehicle for ordinary peoples participation in public politics. Sidney Tarrow  defines a social movement as,  collective challenges to elites, authorities, other groups or cultural codes by people with common purposes and solidarity in sustained interactions with elites, opponents and authorities  [2]  . Scholars like Escobar see social movements as sources of alternatives, hopes and theories of how the world can be made differently  [3]  . Bourdieus argument on social movements is that, its not the market, as its tr ied to make us believe today, but the social movement, which has civilized the market economy while largely contributing to its efficacy  [4]  . Touraine, on the other hand, contends that social movements are not positive or negative agents of history, of modernization, or of the liberalization of mankind. They act in a given type of social production and organization  [5]  . His views differ from the romanticisers of social movements and from those who define a social action mainly in terms of effectiveness in bringing about social change or resistance, to varying degrees, like McAdam and Snow  [6]  . Social movements are also seen as organizational and political opportunities by some and as effects as well as results of power structures, class struggles and identity politics by others. Some like Rucht find the value by combining them and arguing that a social movement exists to the extent that the following qualities are co-present: In structural terms, social movement s are networks of groups and/or organizations; regarding their aims, they are attempts to fundamentally change society (including power structures and basic values) or to resist such changes  [7]  . Global social movements have intensified in recent years; some of these movements contest not only the actual nature and consequences of current global socioeconomic relations but also the very foundation governing them. One of the reasons may be the global economic and technological integration which has consistently been disarming the traditional welfare function of the state and in turn generating increased misery, inequalities and conflicts. This has provided grounds for citizens and civil society groups of diverse origins to express their resentment and advance claims in increased numbers. There has been an emergence and consolidation of global civil society which is believed to be bigger and wider, offering a positive response, even counterweight, to a narrow notion that linked globalization to economic processes alone. I would like to begin my discussion on GSMs with some theories relating to social movements. THEORIES OF SOCIAL MOVEMENT Typically, European social movement theorists tended to view contentious collective action through a Marxian lens, proffering structural analyses to varying degrees. However, a paradigm shift occurred which delineated old social movement theory (class based) from new social movement theory (culture based). I would discuss some theories relating to social movements like collective behaviour theory, resource mobilisation theory, political process theory, social constructionist theory, new social movement theory and the networks theory. Collective Behaviour Theory This theory states that social movements differ a little from other group manifestations, such as panics, crowds and crazes. Generally, this theory advanced the notion that social movements were little more than the most well-organized and self-conscious part of an archipelago of emergent phenomena, ranging from fads and rumours, to collective enthusiasm, riots, movements and revolutions  [8]  . There have been different approaches to this theory. Beginning with Symbolic interactionism which is a variant of classic collective behaviour theory wherein creative agency triumphs over structural determination, and the creation and interpretation of meaning are the key. This model views collective behaviour as the spontaneous development of norms and organization that contest the status quo, and provoke individual reactions to social disintegration, which then form into a general, collective response. Another version of collective behaviour theory parallels the overarching theoretical paradigm of structural-functionalism in an attempt to link broad, structural factors to specific occasions of collective behaviour unfolding in several necessary stages like, structural conduciveness, structural strain, generalized beliefs that provide meaning and motivation and events or actions that catalyse collective behaviour; physical mobilization of actors; and the absence or suspension of social control  [9]  . The third approach identifies Relative deprivation as the motivating force behind collective action represents another variant of classic collective behaviour theory. In sum, this concept stipulates that a group decides to act collectively when people judge themselves as lacking certain resources in relation to another group. Resource Mobilization Theory The demise of the collective behaviour paradigm came about during the tumultuous 1960s with the advent of new social movements. According to McAdam  [10]  , theorizing social movements as a response to social strain was problematic in that it did not take the larger political context into consideration. In assigning causation of social movements to individual discontent, collective behaviour was considered abnormal and apolitical. Resource mobilization theory arose during the 1970s as a response to the shortcomings of collective behaviour theory. It held that in contentious collective action, passion gave way to rational calculation, and the collective good acquiesced to individual gain as mobilizing factors. Thus, activism relied on the ability of social movements to muster resources and engage in planned, rational action  [11]  . In this analysis, activists were not considered under the sway of sentiments, emotions, and ideologies that guided his or her action; rather, coll ective behaviour should be understood in terms of the logic of costs and benefits as well as opportunities for action Proponents of this model argued that increased personal resources, the professionalization of activism and the availability of external financial support could adequately account for contentious collective action. The focus, therefore, was on resource aggregation, and facilitation by social movement organizations (SMOs), formal or professional organizations that identify their goals with those of a social movement. In contrast to collective behaviour theory, which focused on why collective action occurred, resource mobilization theory attempted to answer the persistent question of how social movements organized and mobilized. Political Process Theory The political process model developed as an alternative to resource mobilization theory. Here, the success or failure of social movements depended on political opportunities created by ruptures in the institutional structure and the ideology of power-holders  [12]  . Three essential components comprise this theory. The first demarks the political structure as an external factor not under the direct control of challengers, but critical to a movements success. The second is an internal factor: the organizational strength of activists, the product of interaction between movement members, leaders and incentives. The final component is McAdams  [13]  cognitive liberation, or a change in group consciousness whereby potential protesters see the existing social order not only as illegitimate, but also as subject to change through their own direct efforts  [14]  . Thus, revolutions owe less to the efforts of insurgents than to the work of systemic crises which render the existing regime weak and vulnerable to challenge from virtually any quarter. Social Constructionist Theory Social constructionism approaches collective action as an interactive, symbolically defined and negotiated process among participants, opponents and bystanders  [15]  . Central to this theory is, the concept is of framing, which describes how activists make sense of their social worlds  [16]  . Frames constitute shared understandings and identities that generate the trust and cooperation amongst activists necessary for collective action. In the context of social movements, frames dignify discontent, identify grievances and assemble the grievances of various groups  [17]  . Grievances are framed in three ways. Diagnostic framing identifies a problem as well as a target for action; and prognostic framing suggests solutions, including strategies and tactics specific to the target. Together, they mobilize consensus, creating a base from which movements may recruit; however, collective action is not the necessary outcome of this process. In order for people to act contentiousl y, they must have compelling reasons to do so. Thus, motivational framing provides inspiration and rationale for action  [18]  . New Social Movement Theory NSM theorists stressed that social transformation is mediated through culture as well as politics narrowly defined, that the personal and the cultural are as politically real as, and are not reducible to, power struggles in the state and economy  [19]  . As Melucci, observes, Conflicts move from the economic-industrial system to the cultural sphere. They focus on personal identity, the time and space of life, and the motivation and codes of daily behaviour  [20]  . That is to say, activists in new social movements turned their gaze inward, focusing on issues as they affected their personal lives, and pursuing social change through politicizing culture. Networks Theory The concept of networks helps to address the division created by a narrow focus on identity, as mediated through cultural analysis, in social movement theory. According to Castells, New information technologies, by transforming the processes of information processing, act upon all domains of human activity, and make it possible to establish endless connections between different domains, as well as between elements and agents of such activities  [21]  . Castells observes that, As people organized meaning around who they were, rather than what they did, the process of globalization relied on increasingly integrated networks of instrumental exchange  [22]  . According to Appadurai, the result of globalized communication and mass migration is the creation of diasporic public spheres, phenomena that confound theories that depend on the continued salience of the nation-state as the key arbiter of important social changes  [23]  . The electronic revolution has facilitated the g lobalization of capitalism; it has also enabled the globalization of protest, as Dyer-Witheford  [24]  observes: New information technologies therefore appear not just as instruments for the circulation of commodities, but simultaneously as channels for the circulation of struggles. Thus, social movements become increasingly global both in target and in form. The movements that oppose corporate globalization, like the Zapatistas and the Anti-Corporate Globalization Movement (ACGM), are prime examples of network-based social movements. My further discussions would primarily be based on this theory of networks in social movements with an emphasis on the rise of social networks in GSMs and their role in felicitating them. MEDIA AND GSMs In this part of my paper I would give a brief evolution of media as a tool for social change and would also discuss the use of ICTs in GSMs. I would give some examples of social media and would conclude this part with views of authors and scholars who are divided on the positive and negative role of media in social movements. MEDIA FOR CHANGE TRADITIONAL MEDIA Soon after the end of World War II the importance of mass media like newspapers, radio, cinema and television as accelerators in spreading ideas about progress and development began to be recognised. There are numerous examples in history where movements have been influenced by media. The issues at that time were more political than social but slowly, the same process was followed in carrying out social movements. It was already well documented how during War times radios and newspapers were used along with televisions to create a public sphere where people shared ideas and issues of common interest in a democracy. How leaders through their mesmerising speeches were able to instil patriotic feeling in their countrymen. These established norms gave way to the use of mass media in different social movements. In the Indian context one can find the use of such means during the Green Revolution, Family planning Communications. In Latin America, Paulo Freire (1971) used it for adult litera cy programmes. Even with the advent of the ICTs one can still find that the maximum amount of information dissemination in social movements, even today, is done through these means. May it be an environmental campaign or anti-corruption campaign, this mode still remains a dominant player in social change. NEW MEDIA: INTERNET The battles of Seattle, Washington, Prague and Genoa, with an unforeseen mixture of nationalities and movements, became world news. Interestingly, the new media seemed to play a crucial role in the organization of these global-protests. Internet has been widely used as a tool for social change and social movements in the recent past. I will illustrate some popular examples corroborating my statement. Zapatistas Movement Beginning in 1994, the Zapatistas used the Internet to turn a local dispute over land in Chiapas, Mexico into an international debate over the ill effects of corporate globalization. They incorporated their localized concerns over the implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) into an international agenda opposed to global economic policies that usurp national political sovereignty and recolonize debtor nations. The Zapatistas and their supporters worldwide thus fashioned an ideology that rejected neoliberalism, which for them refers less to policy or theory and more directly to degrading environmental conditions and escalating human rights abuses  [25]  . Thus, they used the Internet to weave a new electronic fabric of struggle  [26]  to rally support for their revolution throughout Mexico and across the globe. The Anti-Corporate Globalization Movement The Anti-Corporate Globalization movement built on the foundations laid by the Zapatistas, using the Internet to connect with social justice activists around the world, to serve as a forum for education and discussion, and to disseminate information unavailable in the corporate mainstream press. The Internet was also critical in the logistical organization of the massive demonstrations against the World Trade Organization (WTO) in Seattle in 1999. This protest marked the birth of the ACGM, which gathered within its folds other activist movements, organizations and networks. For the first time in living memory, possibly ever, many different grievances and causes were represented under one broad banner: social justice. Thus workers walked arm in arm with environmentalists, feminists, human rights workers, farmers, and fair trade advocates. The Battle of Seattle marked the beginning of a new form of activism: the new communication technology that made the globalization of capital possib le also spurred the globalization of protest and facilitated globalization from below. The Internet was instrumental in both shrinking vast geographical distances, and in disseminating a new sort of global consciousness. There was also the increased use of SMSs by the protestors in organizing and carrying out their protests. There were termed as Smart Mobs, though it is still not a major tool of social movement it has had its impact during the 1999 Battle of Seattle, 1992 Critical Mass Bicycle demos of San Francisco and September 2000 protest in Britain over fuel price rise. Many social movements relating to environment, health, etc. have taken post Seattle through use of ICTs, social networking, websites, etc. The Coffee Party on Facebook is one such example of a movement that was initiated and primarily carried out on the social networking site Facebook. Though these developments seem to hold both a bright future for social movements and interesting times for social movement researchers, nothing assures us that movements always make society more democratic  [27]  . Tilly advocates that, technological determinism ought to be avoided and that one should recognize that not all new features of soci al movements result from technical innovations but most of them from alterations in their social and political contexts  [28]  . Relying on ICT services also requires being able to cope with their risks and dangers therefore most 21st century social movement activity continues to rely on the local, regional, and national forms of organization that already prevailed during the later 20th century  [29]  . HOSTILE MEDIA One of the first detailed examinations of a social movement protest in the media focused on a mass demonstration held against the Vietnam War in Britain  [30]  . The demonstration involved approximately 60,000 protesters, most of who marched peacefully through the streets of London (with an insignificant number of protestors involved in violent actions). However, despite the overwhelmingly peaceful nature of the march, the media concentrated most of its coverage on the issue of violence  [31]  . There were differences between media outlets in their coverage; they were all united by the overall focus on the same limited aspect the issue of violence. The misrepresentation of this massive political rally, and the totality of the negative coverage across all media outlets led the investigators to conclude that such reporting poses extreme problems for democracy, which may only be remedied by some form of institutional rearrangement  [32]  . For any social movement to draw beneficial attention to its activities in the mass media, the first barrier it must overcome is the structural constraints of the medium itself. According to Herman and Chomskys  [33]  Propaganda Model, there are five filters through which all news must pass, that actively shape the medias content. These are (1) the size, ownership and profit orientation of the media, (2) advertising, (3) sourcing, (4) flak (criticism) and (5) anti-communist ideology, which can be interpreted as keeping the discourse within the boundaries of elite interests. According to Sidney Tarrow, The media are crucial in a social movements efforts to broadcast its demands. But the media are anything but neutral in the framing of activists concerns and events. On the one hand, the media provide a broad base for consensus formation that is difficult for movements to achieve on their own. On the other hand, while the media may not work directly for the ruling class, they certain ly do not work for social movements  [34]  . CONCLUSION The mass media is an important outlet for social movements, where the quality and nature of media coverage strongly influences how they are perceived in the public eye. It is important for social movements, whose transitional and adversarial nature weakens their ability to secure public legitimacy. Their outsider status, along with their usual resource-poor nature, means that traditional avenues of publicity are not easily accessible and forces them to rely on alternative methods to obtain media access. Traditionally, this involves some form of public spectacle like a protest to attract media attention. These activities have become accepted as mechanisms by which social problems are communicated in the public sphere, alongside public opinion polls and elections and they act as vital means by which citizens can signal their discontent  [35]  . Key to any social movements eventual success in reforming the current world order is its ability to garner majority support, which is severely restricted by the mass media. Global justice movements profess to want to mobilise entire communities worldwide to enable truly participative decision-making. However, if this is really the case, they need to consider whether the same media system that serves to naturalise and legitimise elite decision-making, can really encourage its antithesis, collective grassroots decision-making. It seems an anathema to even consider that by working on the terms set by the mass media, social movements are actually legitimising and tightening its hegemonic power over society, even while it simultaneously acts to de-legitimise or ignore the global justice movement. Therefore, it is time for social movements to take collective action. To start with, democratic media reform needs to be recast as an end in itself, a public good, not simply a means by which eac h movement can get its message out  [36]  . In this way, a media reform project can be linked to the wider array of social movements calling for a more equitable and participatory democracy.

The Problem Of Transnational Crime And Globalization Economics Essay

Over the class of human history the universe has proven to be a dynamic of all time germinating topographic point with changeless fluctuations in governmental signifier and political power. As humanity has shifted from the babyhood of civilisation to the most complex signifiers of authorities and political relations at that place has ever been a common complaint blighting their stableness, offense. With the origin of regulations there were instinctively people who sought to interrupt those regulations. The relationship between civilisation and offense is a complex and intricate issue. As civilisation raises the saloon in acceptable behaviour offense expands reciprocally to the new sum of limitations. An first-class illustration of the dynamic growing of offense is best scene in the development of multinational offense. Born from merely smuggling common points in a high duty environment, multinational offense has expanded into an luxuriant system of illicit trade, smuggling and drug dealing. Condemnable justness bureaus have struggled to maintain gait with this exponential addition in multinational offense, but they are hindered by built-in administrative and direction issues, viz. the mutualist nature of multinational offense and condemnable justness bureaus and the bureaucratic nature of condemnable justness organisations. The Situation Transnational offense has existed since the birth of autonomous states. With the separation of states there arose a possible market for goods and necessarily there arose those who would prehend a possible net income market. In its babyhood multinational offense chiefly consisted of the transit of legal goods through illegal channels to avoid high duties. There were of class other fluctuations, but for the most portion multinational offense was defined by the smuggling of common things such as salt and other basic demands. The first displacement to happen in footings of multinational offense came with the lessening in duties. To advance greater trade and more import and export, many authoritiess lowered trade limitations and duties. With the lowering of duties the market for common goods shrank vastly. There was still a demand for such things a salt, but now they could be provided lawfully for a really low monetary value, a monetary value low plenty to cut profoundly into the net income border of smuggling. With this cut into the bottom line runners were forced to spread out into new and other underrepresented fluctuations of illicit trade. One such fluctuation was the signifier most normally represented today by the multinational offense market, the smuggling of prohibited goods across international boundary lines. In truth all international offense is, in some signifier or another, a discrepancy of smuggling. Be it arms, money, people, or information, conveying a forbidden point across international boundary lines is smuggling. This fact exploded with the origin of globalisation which represented the biggest blessing to transnational offense since the creative activity of boundary lines. The conveyance of illicit goods across boundary lines became a much more complex and profitable thing with the spread of globalisation. As defined by Merriam Webster lexicon, globalisation is: the act or procedure of globalizing: the province of being globalized ; particularly: the development of an progressively incorporate planetary economic system marked particularly by free trade, free flow of capital, and the tapping of cheaper foreign labour markets. Globalization has been marked by an exponential addition of engineering and loosened trade limitations that have drastically increased the mutuality between autonomous authoritiess. This mutuality has reciprocated and furthered the spread of globalisation as more states portion more cognition, wealth and chances. The Problem The important defect with the spread of globalisation is the elitism of the system. Whereas first universe states find the spread of globalisation a blessing to their economic system and position, 2nd and 3rd universe states have small to gain from the legal side of globalisation. As a consequence many less industrialised states turn to the illicit market to vie with their more industrialised rivals. The spread of globalisation serves many positive maps, but it is inherently tied to multinational offense. The simplest manner to explicate the relationship between multinational offense and globalisation is that one facilitates the other, i.e. globalisation helps to ease the growing and enlargement of multinational offense. Taken from chapter four of Transnational Crime in the Americas, Peter Andreas sums up the construct magnificently. â€Å" Governments face an progressively awkward but ineluctable quandary: policy steps that facilitate the flow of legal trade-improved transit systems, deregulating of transportation, denationalization of ports, and so on-also accidentally facilitate illegal trade. † This is the sad truth about the nature of globalisation and the effects it has on multinational offense. While there does be another option, to decelerate the growing of globalisation thereby impeding the advancement of multinational offense, this option is a failed program about from the oncoming. Moises Naim makes a really clear point on why it would be impossible to hinder the gro wing of globalisation in chapter 11 of his book. â€Å" History and common sense say that, in the long tally, market forces tend to predominate over those of authoritiess. † What this means is that, with the market presently focused on growing and multinational mutuality, authorities interceding will be countered in malice of the fact that that this market focal point is bolstering multinational offense. Globalization has served to increase both the legal and the illicit side of trade in many ways. One of the first is the exponential addition of engineering. As engineering increases the avenues upon which trade can happen addition. As an illustration consider transportation. A millenary ago smuggling was alive and prospering, yet ocean trips by see took months and the potency for lading to be damaged or destroyed in so much clip was high. As of today though, travel by ship is both faster and much more secure. To foster the analogy, the origin of aeroplanes revolutionized trade, illicit and legal. Even the steam engine revolutionized overland travel. Another avenue through which trade has prospered is the promotion of communications. While simply another facet of the engineering roar, communications have exhaustively revolutionized international trade and multinational offense to the extent that is has created wholly new signifiers of trade and offense. With the birth of the cyberspace and e-mail the inundation Gatess have been opened for trade. With eBay it is now possible to order a Peruvian rain stick from a place in Vancouver and have it delivered to the receiver in London as a birthday gift. Inversely, it is besides now possible to put a petition for a amount of illicit goods to be delivered by manner of an anon. electronic mail history without the two felons behind the enterprise of all time holding the demand to run into. The Possibilities There exist two chief political orientations of idea refering the proliferation of modern-day multinational offense. The two trains of idea are the â€Å" asymmetrical battle theory † and the â€Å" mutuality theory † put Forth by Moises Naim and Peter Andreas, severally. The two theories differ greatly in position refering the rise of multinational offense, but both writers present relevant and convincing statements for each instance. Moises Naim presents the thought that authoritiess are neglecting in the battle against multinational illicit trade due to the asymmetrical nature of the organisations in competition. Moises rapidly lists the rivals as governmental entities versus organized offense webs and bases the Southern Cross of his statement in the very nature of a bureaucratism versus that of a web. Harmonizing to Naim, all bureaucratisms tend to exhibit the same four key traits that limit their ability to vie against a net work. The first cardinal characteristic is that bureaucratisms tend to be really structured doing communicating between units non portion of the same perpendicular line of bid really hard. In comparing, webs are a loose group of single cells and that allows for rapid decision-making and alteration. The 2nd point that Naim makes is that authorities bureaus have to work within the restraints of a budget. Not merely that, but they have to get the budget which redirects manpower and concentrate from the arguably more major issue of contending the felons. Against this, webs draw their resources from their patronage, intending that financess are virtually illimitable depending on what is supplied and to whom. Continuing on, Naim draws attending to the political and legal bounds that authorities bureaus must work within, while illicit bargainers can work within the restraints of the jurisprudence when the demand suits them, but they besides have the option to work outside of the jurisprudence, which provides more manoeuvrability. Ironically, there is a really disposed quotation mark to sum up this thought taken from Transnational Crime in the America. â€Å" aˆÂ ¦if you play by the regulations and I can rip off a small, I get the benefit of both the regulations and my cheating. † Naim ‘s concluding point is the trouble authoritiess have working outside their ain boundary lines due to the limited authorization, linguistic communication issues and all the other jobs that accompany being in a foreign state. Against this, webs tend to be as comfy abroad as they are at place and even place is get downing to hold a looser definition to webs. The opposing theory to this is the dependence theory put away by Peter Andreas. Andreas describes the self-contradictory nature of the state/smuggler relationship get downing his point on the most obvious issue, runners depend on province Torahs for their being. This thought seems simple, but is genuinely instead profound. Andreas quotes Adam Smith about this. â€Å" A runner is a individual who, although no uncertainty blamable for go againsting the Torahs of the state, is often incapable of go againsting those of natural justness, and would hold been, in every regard, an first-class citizen had non the Torahs of his state made that a offense which ne'er meant to be so. † The fact here is that the Torahs put forth by authoritiess form the footing of the full entrepreneurship of smuggling. Andreas goes on to mention the corruptness and payoffs that ease the force per unit area runners face, and how these under the tabular array payments map as a type of illicit income revenue enhancement. This thought is besides expanded upon in that there are some countries of the universe where illicit trade forms the anchor upon which full economic systems are based. Much of Latin America can be referred to as narco-states ; in that, the greatest export they produce is narcotics. Furthermore, the same can be said for some parts of Southeast Asia. Mexico ‘s 3rd highest gross is remittal from Mexicans smuggled into the U.S. In the face of this, what ground do many topographic points have to check down on illicit trade? Furthermore, is it ethically sound to destruct the fiscal base of some states for any ground? Beyond corruptness, there is besides the fact that the money controlled by runners frequently enters the control of the province through legal channels. One such method is plus forfeitures Torahs. In add-on, much of the illicit goods that enter the state are for the really citizens whose revenue enhancements support a system that is opposed to the really goods they desire. There is besides the fact that much of the information the province has on runners is, in fact, recovered from other runners. Finally, what is arguably the most affecting ground behind the mutuality theory ; it is the really continuity of smuggling ( and the perceptual experience of it as a turning menace ) that is the most important for prolonging and spread outing jurisprudence enforcement. Examined more elaborately, this is could perchance be the footing upon which the remainder of the mutuality theory remainders. The Inference In the face of these two opposing point of views it seems that the mutuality theory holds greater weight. While there is an obvious asymmetrical nature to the battle between authoritiess and organized condemnable webs, the grounds does non back up the difference being that belittling. The current construction of bureaucratisms has managed some really important victory over organized offense. The job that is frequently cited is that even if one cell of the web is shut down another is ready to take over. While this statement seems to back up the asymmetrical theory, the inquiry remains, how are these displacements of power so easy? The mutuality between the province and the illicit trade webs allows for the easy displacement in power. It is easy to state that there is ever person waiting in the wings, but where do they get down to reform the lost connexions of the old mediator? Some corrupt functionaries must willing seek out, or readily accept, new participants to go on the concern of corruptness. If there were a crackdown on corruptness, illicit bargainers would bear much of the political force per unit area they are presently protected from. In add-on, if the construction of bureaucratisms is such a booby trap in the battle against illicit trade, why is at that place merely non a reorganisation of bureaucratisms? This deficiency of alteration could besides be attributed to the mutuality between the province and illicit trade. The current system works to stem some of the flow of illicit trade, but does non, can non halt it wholly. The necessary bond between the province and illicit trade is what keeps this blemished system in charge as a type of via media between what should be done about illicit trade and what is being done. Interdependency stands as the Southern Cross of the issues with the conflict between authoritiess and multinational offense. Equally long as there is such a strong bond between the two forces at that place will ne'er be any important advancement made on the forepart of multinational offense. And yes, while the asymmetrical nature of the battle between bureaucratisms and webs is an issue, it is non the major issue and may even stand for another facet of the job with mutuality. The Decision Ultimately, this weakness in the war on multinational offense is a direct representation to the weakness in the disposal of condemnable justness Fieldss. Whether there is more acceptance to the mutuality theory or the asymmetrical battle theory, both theories posit that there is an built-in weakness in the direction of the regulating organic structures of condemnable justness. Without some kind of elaborate scrutiny and re-haul off the system there can non be any existent alteration in the struggle between condemnable justness bureaus and multinational offense. Globalization is a existent and dynamic thing that is presently reshaping the class of universe history. However, with all of the good that this entails, there is besides much negative. As globalisation forces lowered trade limitations, increased transit locales, and deregulating of transporting to foster the ends of multinational mutuality, these same actions have served to ease the growing and worth of the multinational offense market. To antagonize this there must be a alteration in the direction of the condemnable justness bureaus dedicated to forestalling this. Without such a alteration there can ne'er be a decisive triumph on the multinational offense forepart.

Characterization: The Breakfast Club Essay

A professor named Peter Drucker stated, ‘’the most important thing in communication is hearing what isn’t said.’’ The quote basically means the ability to read the emotions and nonverbal communication of another person increases the understanding and elevates relationships. A prominent writer and producer named John Hughes directed a movie called The Breakfast Club where five students with nothing in common are faced with spending a Saturday detention together. At the beginning of the movie they have absolutely nothing to say to each other but by 4 P.M., they had bared their souls to each other and become good friends. The five main characters are introduced as Allison the Basket Case, Brian the Nerd, Claire the Princess, Andy the Athlete, and Bender the Criminal. John Hughes uses characterization in The Breakfast Club by showing people from totally different backgrounds can communicate and even agree on issues. A scholar named Ally Harper wrote a book called The Explanation of The Breakfast Club that stated adolescence is the time of transition between childhood and adulthood where development which leads to psychological, social and economic changes, and toward ever-increasing independence (4). Adolescence involves the development of a sense of identity; it is a time of questioning of relationships to parents and to peers, and of roles in society (Harper 5). From adolescence to adulthood, people will always stereotype you from how you present yourself too even where you grew up. Throughout your years of schooling, relationships will be formed, and as teenagers begin to move away from their parents, peer groups play a vital role. Adolescence place a lot of importance on belonging, on being included, and on being part of a group; group affiliation not only supplies emotional security, but also is a source of status and reputation with motivational properties (Harper 6). The cliques formed during adolescent years can define people in their social world and follow them to adulthood. The five students in The Breakfast Club were stereotyped by their fellow students and their warden for the day:  Claire the Princess who was also known as Miss Popularity, Brian is the geek, Andrew is the athlete (Sporto), Bender is the criminal, and Allison the Basket Case. The strict confines of high school separate the characters. Under normal circumstances, none of these teenagers would even speak to one another, but Saturday detention sets aside these divided groups of people and bring them together under a common ground. Their punishments that created the members of The Breakfast Club allowed them to move past these social norms and eventually they find this common ground by interacting with each other, and learning the details of each other’s lives by looking beneath all the stereotypes. The Breakfast Club was accurate in its portrayal of each characters in ternal psychological perspective. While in detention, they are expected to write about who they are in one thousand words. John Smith wrote a book called The Breakfast Club: Throughout the day, their actions reveal their innermost struggle involving their cliques and their home lives. As the movie progresses, we find out the reason each teen is in detention that culminates in a climactic discussion about who they really are, which ironically answers the essay none of them were going to write (except Brian). In the end, Brian is manipulated into writing a group essay for everyone in which he gives each person their defining nickname. While each student represents a different clique, together they form The Breakfast Club (15). Brian the nerd, has packed a nutritional lunch, which Bender associates this with him being a perfect nerdy child who has a loving mother who still packs his lunch for him. Furthermore, it is assumed that Brian is the nerd because he ends up writing everyone’s essays and is a member of aca demic clubs. Brian was also subjected to peer pressure which is defined as social pressure by members of one’s peer group to take part in a certain action, adopt certain values, or otherwise conform in order to be accepted (Smith 16). An example of peer pressure is when Brian chose to smoke weed with the rest of the group. Claire’s personality can be explained by reciprocal determinism which is defined as interacting influences of behavior, internal cognition, and environment (Smith 17). Claire’s parents are divorced and she is often used as a weapon by her Mother and Father to get back at the one another. The way Claire is treated at home affects her self-worth which leads her to feel the need to seek approval from others. In the movie, Brian describes her behavior as  conceited because she is a â€Å"popular† and looks down on those â€Å"under† her on the social hierarchy (Smith 16). This shows that her behavior, internal thoughts, and her environment are a ll contributing factors to her personality. In the movie, Bender falls victim to the fundamental attribution error. The fundamental attribution error is the theory that we explain someone’s behavior by crediting either the situation or the person’s disposition (Smith 18). At home, Bender is treated badly, which contributes to his personality as being depicted as aggressive, and disrespectful. In Bender’s case, everyone attributed his actions to his personal disposition and did not take into account his home situation (Smith 19). Allison the Basket Case is in detention for no reason at all, she explains later in the movie, she was bored and had nothing else better to do. Allison’s psychological perspective can be explained by Maslow’s hierarchy: Physiological needs come first, followed by safety needs, and then the need to belong and feel loved. Allison had met the first two needs on the hierarchy and the next step was to fulfill the need to belong and feel loved. At home, Allison was ignored by her parents and at school she had no friends. These factors explain w hy she is so socially inept and served a Saturday detention that she did not even have. Allison admits to the group that she sees a shrink because she is compulsive liar. During her sessions, her shrink uses free association. Free association is a method of exploring the unconscious in which the person relaxes and says whatever comes to mind, no matter how trivial or embarrassing (Smith 20). Andrew the athlete, shows a frustration-aggression issue when he gets into an altercation with Bender. The frustration-aggression principle is the principle that frustration creates anger which can generate aggression (Smith 21). Andrew was aggressive towards Bender when Bender disrespected Claire after she repeatedly told Bender to knock it off, but Bender continued to meddle with her which led to Andrews aggressive side to show. Throughout the movie, we learn about all the different values and morals each family holds. Brian’s parents enforce him to be a straight-A academic student, while Benders family doesn’t even seem to care if he actually attends school. Claire’s parents support her role of being the most popular girl in school, and in contrast, Allison’s parents portray the image of not caring if their own child has any friends. The parents of Andrew the Athlete portrays the image  of wanting their son to the best Athlete while not caring what anger issues this may create later in his lifetime. John Hughes doesn’t use stereotyping and physiological concepts to build the characters. The punishments that led them to the actual detention defined the characters, but like most critics, they viewed John as using stereotypes and self-concepts as the actual defined characterization. The crime committed was the actual characterization created that attempted to introduce what the teenagers were actually like. A credited author named Fabian Kraft wrote The Themes Associated with The Breakfast Club that stated if we take the moment to look passed labels and cliques a person is associated with, then we may find that we are surprised to see that person is unique-not just who they portray themselves as. In The Breakfast Club, John Hughes did not intend to differentiate the families to portray how they influenced their own teenager’s values and morals in life. The child’s own personal problems led to the way they act in public. David Popenoe, a Professor of Sociology wrote an article called We Are What We See: The Breakfast Club that stated more and more children are growing up with personal problems, little empathy, and a weakened respect for law and order and civility. Furthermore, you can grow up in what it seems a well-rounded family that overall wants your happiness and sets high values, but some teenagers like Brian for example will still act out. John Hughes introduced The Breakfast Club by showing people from totally different backgrounds can communicate and even agree on issues by defining the teenager’s connection of characterization through stereo-typing, psychological perspective, and the family’s different morals & values. No matter what, your own characterization will shape your life, but you have the choice of choosing of your own path.

Analysis of The Chinese in All of Us by Richard Rodriguez Free Essay Example, 1500 words

Rodriguez is right in his reasoning because he grew up in America, born to a Mexican family. He lived through all of the cultural amalgamations in the US. There are no hard and fast rules for cultures anymore. There is no culture after all, but the culture of change and evolution. Rodriguez is right that there is no multiculturalism, it is just a haze. He astoundingly explains this to an interviewer who asks him if he considers himself as Hispanic or American, and he replies Chinese. That is what he grew up with; a little bit of this and a little bit of that. He is born to Mexican parents and goes to an American school (where he s shown to speak proper English) and has Chinese neighbors. The proper English even teaches him how to say his own name as the school teacher writes his name on the board and reads it out loud and asks him to follow along, so that the whole class gets familiar with his name and he gets to say his name in a certain accent; the proper accent, this is what t he culture (or multicultural) is all about. We will write a custom essay sample on Analysis of The Chinese in All of Us by Richard Rodriguez or any topic specifically for you Only $17.96 $11.86/page The term melting pot represents the trend in culture in a better way. The author has introduced two different views about the melting pot theory , one is positive while the other has some negativity attached to it. The author says that the melting pot has changes people. When someone goes into it, their identity is lost. An African will not remain African after the melting pot treatment.